Nos unimos a la Red de Mujeres de Morazán, grupos de jóvenes y otras organizaciones solidarias para conmemorar el Día Internacional de la Eliminación de la Violencia contra las Mujeres y Niñas y exigir justicia para las innumerables víctimas de violencia de género a nivel individual, comunitario, estatal y nacional en El Salvador.
Marching for the Rights and Lives of Women and Girls
We joined the Women’s network of Morazan, Youth groups and other solidarity organizations to commemorate the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women and Girls and to demand justice for the countless victims of gender violence at an individual, community, state and national level in El Salvador.
Don’t miss out on our upcoming Webinar:
COVID-19 and the Salvadoran Educational System
Click on the image to learn more
Around the world teachers and students are being asked to make a lot of changes, in order to overcome the obstacles placed on them due to COVID-19 restrictions. In El Salvador, school will not resume until 2021. We will conversate with three educational professionals, on the front lines, and hear about the reality of the educational system, their opinions and their efforts to reach as many young people as possible in order to avoid mass desertion of students.
We will stream on our FacebookLive page, however, if you require interpretation you must register by clicking here.
As a human rights organization, Voices on the Border ardently denounces all acts of racism, discrimination and violence against Black people and empathize with their outrage and share in their grief of having lost so many innocent lives to ignorance and hatred.
We stand in total solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement because we truly believe in the power of the people and encourage their right to fully express their pain, joy and demands for justice and peace, however they see fit. The movement’s global spread is giving us a sense of hope for the future, while also allowing us to examine our own commitments to structural and strategic change, which we acknowledge must come from within in order to be sustainable.
We are currently in the middle of our annual Board meeting, and this analysis helps us appreciate that, due to VOICES ‘proximity to our local partners, both are given frequent opportunities to be challenged and educated, socially and culturally. On the the other hand, this same examination leads us to ask ourselves how we can improve the representation of people of color on our Board, to ensure cultural accountability and organizational growth towards social equilibrium.
Historical hatred and unhealed wounds are realities that we must face and correct, in the United States, in El Salvador, as human beings. This complex task is the responsibility of us all.
#BlackLivesMatter
Como organización de derechos humanos, VOCES denuncia ardientemente todos los actos de racismo, discriminación y violencia contra los negros y empatiza con su indignación y comparte su dolor de haber perdido tantas vidas inocentes por ignorancia y odio.
Nos solidarizamos totalmente con el movimiento Las Vidas Negras Importan, porque realmente creemos en el poder del pueblo, y alentamos su derecho a expresar plenamente su dolor, alegría y demandas para la justicia y paz, como ellxs quieran. La difusión global del movimiento nos está dando una sensación de esperanza para el futuro, y, al mismo tiempo, nos permite examinar nuestros propios compromisos con el cambio estructural y estratégico, que reconocemos deben venir desde adentro, para ser sostenibles.
De hecho, nos encontramos en el medio de nuestra reunión anual de la Junta Directiva, y este análisis nos ayuda a apreciar que, debido a la proximidad de VOCES a nuestros socios locales, pues a ambos se les da oportunidades frecuentes de ser desafiados y educados, social y culturalmente. Por otro lado, esta misma inspección nos lleva a preguntarnos cómo podemos mejorar la representación de gente de color en nuestra Directiva, para garantizar la responsabilidad cultural y el crecimiento organizacional hacia el equilibrio social.
El odio histórico y las heridas no curadas son realidades que debemos enfrentar y corregir, en los Estados Unidos, en El Salvador, como seres humanos. Esta tarea compleja es responsabilidad de todos nosotrxs.
On June 1, 2019 Nayib Bukele became the President of the Republic of El Salvador, ending three decades of bipartisanship in which the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) held the presidency for 20 years and the Farabundo Marti Libertation Front (FMLN) for 10 years.
According to a May 24th opinion poll published in the Prensa Grafica, 92% of the population supports the president’s administration of the country. Those polled recognized his main achievement being a notable improvement in the country’s security situation.
The official figures indeed reflect a decrease in the number of homicides in El Salvador, where the rate per 100,000 inhabitants went from 51 in 2018 to 35.8 in 2019. Since July 2019, the monthly number of homicides has remained below 200. January 2020 unfortunately suffered high homicide rates, yet even with 119 homicides and a daily average of 3.8, it was still 60% less than January 2019. According to the government, these are the lowest figures since the 1992 Peace Accords.
While the government’s achievements aren’t being questioned, their performance sometimes is. One of Bukele’s most criticized actions was the militarization of Parliament for a few hours, which lead the The New York Times to weigh in: “What Bukele did in February 2020, was a watershed in Salvadoran democratic history. After several weeks of discussing the legislative authorization to negotiate a 109 million dollar loan for his security plan with parliament members, a Bukele with the pretense of dictator addressed the Legislative Assembly with military and police in tow.”
As expected, Ronald Johnson, the United States Ambassador to El Salvador reacted to the President’s bold move by tweeting the next day: “I did not approve of the presence of @FUERZARMADA at @AsambleaSV yesterday and I was relieved that this tense situation ended without violence. I now recognize the calls for patience and prudence. I join all actors who are asking for a peaceful dialogue to move forward.”
It should be noted that for the last three months, Bukele has ruled in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic in a way that a large percentage of the population approves of. However, from the viewpoint of respected human rights organizations, there are serious concerns about the drastic measures being imposed in the name of public safety and the authoritarian ways being used to enforce them.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, addressed the topic by stating: “International law allows governments to restrict some rights when faced with an emergency such as the one caused by COVID-19. However, these measures must be necessary and proportional. These must also be in accordance with the Constitution and international human rights norms and standards. There must also be binding judicial and legislative oversight for the executive branch, and the executive must abide by it. I am concerned that this has not been the case in El Salvador and that the government is therefore in breach of the fundamental principles of the rule of law.”
President Bukele is currently in the spotlight for his involvement in a systematic confrontation with other State organs. The José Simeón Cañas University (UCA), recently published an evaluation of the government’s first year of administration, it is stated that: during the year, the President of the Republic spent more critical time fighting with the other organs of the State, especially with the opposition parties and the Legislative Assembly, than ruling the country.Another criticism is the lack of failing to follow through on concrete plans concerning the country’s major issues. Regarding this, the UCA indicated that: the plans announced by the President throughout the year on issues related to health, economic reactivation and the installation of the International Commission for the Fight against Corruption and Impunity in El Salvador (CICIES) did not materialize in reality.
On environmental issues, he has been criticized for the lack of any real plans and policies. According to a statement, recently published by a group of environmental organizations: In the current government, the environment policy is almost non-existent, we are very concerned that the budget of the Ministry of Environment was reduced despite the ongoing destruction of valuable ecosystems, as if this institution plays an irrelevant role.
Economically speaking, President Bukele did a great job to improve the economy, beginning in June 2019. According to the Salvadoran Foundation for Economic and Social Development (FUSADES), the Salvadoran economy will have a tendency to increase its dynamism in the second half of 2019, the perception on the investment climate, which after 10 years of unfavorable perception, saw a significant change in its trend from the second quarter of 2019. The same source establishes that the Salvadoran economy experienced an increase towards the end of 2019, from 1.8% in the first two quarters of the year, to 3% during the third and fourth quarters. In general, almost all sectors recorded higher growth in the fourth quarter of 2019. In annual terms, economic growth for 2019 stood at 2.4%
This upward tendency of improvement was abruptly interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. While we fully acknowledge that this unfortunate reality is in many ways a phenomena, we still see the importance in analyzing it since it will affect the future of the country for the years to come.
For example, in its most recent Economic Situation Analysis report, FUSADES highlights that among formal and informal employment activities, around 226,000 workers lost their jobs in April, which represents 7.5% of the total EAP. This figure exceeds the national unemployment rate. If people can’t earn income for two months, poverty would go from 30.9% to 42.5%, which implies that approximately 654,000 people would enter poverty. Similarly, if income loss extends to four months, poverty would rise to 51.4%.
In conclusion, we can say that El Salvador, like other impoverished counties, struggles greatly with political, social and economic challenges, which have historical and structural roots and make it difficult for a new government to achieve many things in their first year. That being said, 365 days is enough time to visualize the direction and style of governing and in the case of President Bukele, despite what is justifiably questioned, the vast majority of Salvadorans approve of his performance.
Primer Año del Presidente Nayib Bukele
El 1 de junio de 2019, Nayib Bukele se convirtió en el presidente de la república de El Salvador, poniendo fin a tres décadas de bipartidismo en las que la derechista Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, ARENA ocupó la presidencia por 20 años y el FMLN durante 10 años.
Transcurrido un año en el poder, según una encuesta de opinión, publicada el pasado 24 de mayo, el 92% de la población respalda la gestión del presidente. La población consultada le reconoce como el logro principal una notable mejora de la seguridad del país.
Las cifras oficiales reflejan un descenso en el número de homicidios en El Salvador, donde la tasa por cada 100.000 habitantes pasó de 51 en el años 2018 a 35.8 en 2019.La tendencia a la baja es más notable desde que Bukele asumió la presidencia. Desde julio 2019, la cifra mensual de homicidios se mantuvo por debajo de 200. Siendo enero de 2020 uno de los meses récord, con 119 homicidios con un promedio diario de 3.8 (60% menos que el mismo mes del año anterior). Según el gobierno, se trata de la cifra más baja desde los Acuerdos de Paz de 1992.
En el sentido inverso de sus logros están los cuestionamientos a su desempeño. Una de las acciones mayormente criticadas fue la militarización, por algunas horas, del Parlamento, al respecto el periódico The New York Times publicó: “Fue un parteaguas en la historia democrática salvadoreña lo que hizo Bukele en febrero de 2020. Tras varias semanas de discutir con los diputados la autorización legislativa para negociar un préstamo de 109 millones para su plan de seguridad, un Bukele con ínfulas de dictador se tomó la Asamblea Legislativa con militares y policías.”
Como era de esperar, Ronald Johnson el Embajador de los Estados Unidos en El Salvador, reaccionó ante este hecho por twitter: “No apruebo la presencia de la @FUERZARMADA en la @AsambleaSV ayer y me sentí aliviado que esa tensa situación terminó sin violencia. Ahora reconozco los llamados a la paciencia y la prudencia. Me uno a todos los actores que están pidiendo un dialogo pacifico para avanzar.”
Es de hacer notar que durante tres meses, Nayib Bukele, ha gobernado en medio de la pandemía por el covid19. En este sentido un amplio porcentaje de la población le reconoce un buen manejo de la crisis; no obstante, de parte de prestigiosas organizaciones de derechos humanos, hay serios señalamientos sobre las drásticas medidas impuestas y la forma autoritaria para hacerlas cumplir.
Sobre este tema, la Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, Michelle Bachelet, expresó: “El derecho internacional permite a los gobiernos restringir algunos derechos cuando se enfrentan a una emergencia como la causada por la COVID-19. Sin embargo, estas medidas deben ser necesarias y proporcionales. Estas deben además estar en concordancia con la Constitución y las normas y estándares internacionales de derechos humanos. También debe haber supervisión judicial y legislativa vinculante para el poder ejecutivo, y el ejecutivo debe acatarla. Me preocupa que este no ha sido el caso en El Salvador y que el gobierno está, por consiguiente, faltando a los principios fundamentales del estado de derecho.”
Por otra parte, el presidente Bukele, se ha caracterizado por una sistemática confrontación con los demás órganos de Estado. En un editorial publicado por la Universidad José Simeón Cañas (UCA), con motivo de evaluar el primer año de gestión gubernamental, se afirma que, durante el año, el presidente de la República pasó más tiempo criticando y peleando con los demás órganos del Estado, especialmente con los partidos de oposición y la Asamblea Legislativa, que gobernando el país.
Otra de las críticas es la carencia de planes concretos que marquen el rumbo a seguir en los grandes temas de país, la misma institución académica señala: los planes anunciados por el presidente a lo largo del año en temas relacionados a la salud, reactivación económica e instalación de la Comisión Internacional Para el Combate de la Corrupción y la Impunidad en El Salvador (CICIES) no se concretaron en la realidad.
En el tema ambiental, igualmente se le ha recriminado la ausencia de planes y políticas: En el actual gobierno, la política de medio ambiente es casi inexistente, vemos con mucha preocupación que el presupuesto del Ministerio de Medio Ambiente fue reducido a pesar de la destrucción de valiosos ecosistemas, dicha institución está teniendo un rol irrelevante, Expresa un grupo de organizaciones ambientalistas, en un comunicado, publicado recientemente.
En el tema económico hay que reconocerle al presidente Bukele que el ritmo de la economía mejoró a partir de junio de 2019. Según la Fundación Salvadoreña para el Desarrollo Económico y Social (FUSADES), la economía salvadoreña registró una tendencia a aumentar su dinamismo en la segunda mitad de 2019, la percepción sobre el clima de inversión, la que luego de 10 años de percibirse desfavorable, registró un cambio importante en su tendencia a partir del segundo trimestre de 2019.
La misma fuente establece que la economía salvadoreña experimentó un incremento hacia finales de 2019, pasando de 1.8% en los dos primeros trimestres del año, a 3% durante el tercero y cuarto trimestres. En general, casi todos los sectores registraron un crecimiento mayor en el cuarto trimestre de 2019. Con esto, en términos anuales el crecimiento económico para 2019 se situó en 2.4%.
Esa tendencia a mejorar se vio súbitamente interrumpida por la pandemia del covid19, por las medidas adoptadas para enfrentarla. Podría considerarse que esta realidad está al margen de la evaluación del primer año de gobierno del presidente Bukele; sin embargo, es importante analizarla ya que incidirá en el futuro del país para los próximos años.
Por ejemplo, en su informe más reciente sobre Análisis de Coyuntura Económica, en el tema del empleo FUSADES destaca que entre actividades formales e informales alrededor de 226 mil trabajadores podrían haber perdido su empleo a abril, lo cual significa el 7.5% del PEA total. Esta cifra supera la tasa de desempleo nacional. Si los ingresos se pierden dos meses para las personas que se quedan sin trabajo, la pobreza pasaría de 30.9% a 42.5%, lo que implica que aproximadamente 654 mil personas entrarían a la pobreza. Asimismo, si la afectación sobre estas personas se extendiera cuatro meses, el porcentaje de pobreza se elevaría hasta 51.4%..
En conclusión, se puede afirmar que El Salvador, como todo país empobrecido presenta grandes desafíos políticos, sociales y económicos, que tienen raíces históricas y estructurales frente a los cuales, es muy poco lo que un gobierno puede lograr en un año; no obstante, es un tiempo suficiente para visualizar el rumbo y estilo de gobernar. Para el caso del presidente Bukele, a pesar de lo que justificadamente se le cuestiona, es notable que la gran mayoría de salvadoreños y salvadoreñas aprueban su desempeño.
HATS OFF! to all the fantastic Frontline Healthcare Workers worldwide– who through their dedication, hard work, sacrifice and an adherence to a certain oath, are helping to save humankind as we know it.
Today especially, we recognize the bravery that’s being required of these #UnsungHeroes, who despite politics and bureaucracy, continue to fervently provide essential health services to anyone in need, even as a virulent pandemic looms across the globe.
We hope that your governments, institutions and communities are finding ways to support you, by giving you what you need to stay safe and sane.
To everyone else out there, if you can.. #StayHome, so that they can come home.
El sábado 21 de marzo, en una extensa cadena de radio y televisión, el presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele decretó una cuarentena por 30 días, advirtiendo que quien no acatara la orden, en lugar de pasar la cuarentena en su hogar, con su familia, la pasaría encerrado en un centro de contención. Para el día siguiente, domingo 22 de marzo, la Policía y la Fuerza Armada habían detenido en la calle a por lo menos 300 personas; sin embargo, el Gobierno, la Policía y el Ejército solo tenían claro el tema de las capturas, pero no el del resguardo de los detenidos, por lo que fueron trasladados hacia delegaciones policiales como cualquier delincuente, porque no existía ningún centro de contención habilitado.
Frente a este hecho, La Sala de lo Constitucional, de la Corte Suprema de Justicia emitió una resolución decretando que ni la policía ni el ejército pueden detener y encarcelar a alguien por incumplir la cuarentena domiciliar, porque viola derechos humanos establecidos en la Constitución; pero los abusos continuaron. Una nota publicada por el periódico español El País, lo expone así:
Las denuncias de arbitrariedades y abusos de fuerza se cuentan por cientos. El presidente (Nayib Bukele) ha respondido públicamente que no es momento de discutir si sus rigurosas medidas contra la pandemia son o no constitucionales, y el día 7 (de abril) dobló su apuesta legitimando el uso de la fuerza: “He dado la instrucción al ministro de Defensa y al ministro de Seguridad de ser más duros con la gente en la calle, la gente que está violando la cuarentena”, dijo. Tres días después, un policía disparó dos veces en las piernas a un joven de 19 años sospechoso de violar el confinamiento. El joven asegura que fue por negarse a pagar mordida (soborno) a los agentes; las autoridades lo calificaron en un comunicado oficial de “accidente.”
La actuación de la Policía y del Ejército, durante 30 días, estuvo amparada principalmente en la “Ley de Restricción Temporal de Derechos Constitucionales Concretos para Atender la Pandemia COVID-19″ aprobada por la Asamblea Legislativa a medidos de marzo para una duración de 15 días, posteriormente se prorrogó por un periodo igual. Esta Ley caducó el pasado 13 de abril y a pesar que el Gobierno solicitó al Parlamento una nueva prorroga, esta no fue concedida, precisamente por las denuncias de las arbitrariedades cometidas y no fueron abordadas.
En ausencia de este marco legal que respalde la detención de las personas y su reclusión en un centro de cuarentena, el gobierno emitió el Decreto Ejecutivo Número 19 que establece medidas similares o más drásticas, a la anterior ley. Por ejemplo: se establece que toda persona que circule sin justificación y que se catalogue como caso sospechoso, deberá permanecer en un centro de cuarentena por 30 días. Además si la persona infractora se traslada en vehículo, este será sometido a desinfección y quedará en deposito en los lugares establecidos, la persona detenida solo recuperará su vehículo despues de pagar el costo del estacionamiento, luego de la cuarentena.
credito: elmundo.sv
También el Decreto Número 19 establece que toda persona está obligada a permitir el ingreso de los delegados del Ministerio de Salud a inspecionar su casa. Para la abogada María Silvia Guillén esta disposición es insconstitucional, pues las autoridades pueden ingresar a una vivienda por el consentimiento de quien la habita o por mandato judicial, exclusivamente. “Cuidado policías y militares que están pretendiendo entrar en las viviendas con una disposición de un decreto ejecutivo”. Escribió la reconocida abogada en su cuenta de facebook.
Por su parte, la Sala de lo Constitucional de la Corte Suprema de Justicia (máximo tribunal de justicia de El Salvador) emitió una nueva resolución en la que reafirmó que la Policía no debe detener arbitrariamente a personas para llevarlas a centros de contención ni proceder al decomiso de vehículos, entre otras medidas restrictivas. Ante este hecho el presidente Bukele dijo que no acataría tal resolución y que continuará aplicando el Decreto 19, al cien por ciento, no importando que las resoluciones de este tipo son de obligatorio cumplimiento.
La desobediencia del presidente ha sido rechazada por un gran número de actores dentro y fuera del país. La Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH) instó al Gobierno de El Salvador “a cumplir las medidas ordenadas”. Así mismo, la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) publicó que en situaciones de emergencia el Estado de Derecho y el sistema de “pesos y contrapesos” son esenciales para asegurar los derechos humanos de las personas. Por su parte el congresista Jim McGovern, instó a Bukele a respetar los fallos judiciales, diciendo que el país necesita democracia y no a un gobierno autoritario, así mismo el líder del Comité de Relaciones Exteriores de la Cámara de Representantes estadounidense, Eliot Engel, lamentó el desacato de Bukele a la resolución de la Sala de lo Constitucional y urgió al presidente “a respetar los fallos judiciales de la Corte Suprema sobre el Covid-19” recalcando que “los líderes mundiales deben ser capaces de proteger tanto la salud como las libertades civiles”.
Pero todas estas recriminaciones y exigencias no parecen inmutar al presidente Nayib Bukele, ni a sus funcionarios de seguridad. Una nota recientemente publicada en el periódico digital El Faro, define la situación actual del país como una triple crisis: sanitaria, económica y democrática. La primera causada por un virus; la segunda por las medidas obligadas para combatir al virus; la tercera por un gobierno antidemocrático.
Es necesario resistir, y sobrevivir, a las tres.
credito: bbci.co.uk
ABUSE OF POWER IN THE MIDST OF THE CRISIS
On Saturday March 21, via an extensive radio and television network broadcast, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele decreed a 30-day quarantine, warning that whoever did not comply with the order, instead of spending the quarantine at home with their family, would be locked up in a quarantinecenter. By the next day, the police and the armed forces had detained at least 300 people who had allegedly violated that order. The government, the police and the army were only clear on the issue of captures, and not on how to properly care for “detainees,” which meant that they were being transferred to police “lock ups” just like any other criminal, since there were no adequate quarantine centers built.
Faced with this fact, the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice issued a resolution decreeing that neither the police nor the army can arrest and imprison someone for failing to comply with the domicile quarantine because it violates human rights established in the Constitution. Still the abuses continue. A note published by the Spanish newspaper El País puts it this way: “The allegations of arbitrariness and abuse of force are in the hundreds. The president (Nayib Bukele) has publicly replied that this is not the time to discuss whether or not his rigorous measures against the pandemic are constitutional, and on April 7 he doubled down on his bid legitimizing the use of force: “I have instructed the Defense Minister and the Security Minister to be tougher on the people on the street, the people who are violating the quarantine,” he said. Three days later, a 19-year-old man suspected of violating the lockdown was shot twice in the legs by a police officer. The young man assures that it was for refusing to pay a bribe to the agents, while the authorities describe it as an “accident” in an official statement.
The 30-day activation of the police and the army was mainly protected under the “Temporary Restriction Law on Concrete Constitutional Rights to Address the Pandemic COVID-19”, which was approved by the Legislative Assembly in mid-March and expired on April 13. Despite the fact that the government requested a new extension from Parliament that was denied precisely because of the complaints of the unjustified actions being committed and not addressed, the abuses continue to occur.
Though a legal framework that addresses the detention of people and their confinement in a quarantine center is still lacking, the government recently issued Executive Decree No. 19 which established similar and more drastic measures than the previous law. For example: it established that any person who circulates without justification and who is classified as suspected for testing positive for COVID19, must remain in a quarantine center for 30 days. In addition, if the offending person is driving in a vehicle, that vehicle will be subject to disinfection and will be sent to a police impound, only to be released after a fee is paid and time is served.
Also Decree No.19 establishes that every person is obliged to allow Ministry of Health personnel into their homes. “Beware of police and military who are trying to enter houses with a provision of an executive decree,” well-known lawyer María Silvia Guillén writes, for her, the provision is unconstitutional since authorities can only enter a dwelling with the consent of the person who inhabits it or by a judges warrant.
For its part, the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice (the highest court in the land) issued a new resolution in which it reaffirmed that the police should not arbitrarily detain people and take them to quarantine centers or confiscate their vehicles, among other restrictive measures. President Bukele said that he would not abide by such a resolution and that he will continue to apply Decree No. 19, a hundred percent, regardless that such resolutions are binding.
The president’s disobedience has been rejected by a large number of actors inside and outside the country who agree with the supreme court’s ruling. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) urged the government of El Salvador to “comply with the ordered measures.” Likewise, the United Nations published that in emergency situations the rule of law and the system of “checks and balances” are essential to ensure that human rights are being upheld. For his part, US Congressman Jim McGover urged Bukele to respect the supreme court’s judicial decisions, saying that the country needs democracy and not an authoritarian government. Likewise, the leader of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the US House of Representatives, Eliot Engel, regretted Bukele’s contempt of the Constitutional Chamber’s resolution and urged the president “to respect the Supreme Court’s judicial decisions on Covid-19” stressing that “world leaders must be able to protect both the health and freedom of civilians.”
But all these recriminations and demands do not seem to faze President Nayib Bukele, nor his security officials. An article recently published in the digital newspaper El Faro defines the current situation in the country as posing a triple crisis: health, economic and democratic.The first is caused by the virus, the second by the measures required to combat the virus and the third by an undemocratic government.
It is necessary to resist, and survive, all three.
Salvadoran Congress Approves New Law That Benefits War Criminals
On the night of February 26, with 44 votes in Parliament, the right-wing parties ARENA, PCN and PDC, which have been allied for decades, joined once again to approve the so-called Special Law on Transitional Justice, Reparation and National Reconciliation, or Amnesty Law 2.0. This is more or less a replica of the original Amnesty Law that was passed by the same parties in 1993. With that Amnesty Law in place, the worst crimes committed during the civil war remained in impunity and it wasn’t until 2016, when the Legislative Assembly declared that law as unconstitutional that the opportunity to prosecute war crimes arose, like El Mozote, where the Salvadoran army massacred more than 1,000 civilians, mostly women and children. In addition to the government’s many war crimes, crimes committed by death squads and other paramilitary groups linked to the Salvadoran State were also open for prosecution after the 2016 annulment.
According to various human rights organizations and those that support victims of the armed conflict, with the approval of this new law, impunity is again being favored. Under said law, war criminals could benefit from reductions or outright cancellations of penalties, if the defendants apologize for their crimes and collaborate with the justice system. It also states that a judge can abolish a prison sentence for reasons of age, health or the like, although it does not clearly specify the age or health conditions to which it refers.
Regarding this law, Amnesty International had this to say: “The Legislative Assembly of El Salvador did not pass a law, it approved a pact of impunity that seeks to ensure that those who have committed serious human rights violations during the armed conflict are not brought before justice and sanctioned for the atrocities they committed.” In similar terms, David Morales, a former Human Rights ombudsman and current member of CRISTOSAL, said: “The vote of the 44 deputies who today legitimized the massacres and atrocities of war is also a violation of human rights. Now they will be subject to internal constitutional control and international supervision, their infamous act is now part of our historical memory.”
For its part, the FMLN refrained from voting, which was described by the newspaper El Faro as a surprise, considering that on this issue the leftist party has recently “moved away from its historical discourse and has oscillated between different positions.” In fact, two members of the FMLN party who decided to speak to El Faro on the condition of anonymity, claimed that at this time the party is divided between those who support the text of the law and those who condemn it, which led them to ultimately abstain from voting.
Another criticism of the Special Law on Transitional Justice, Reparation and National Reconciliation is that it was formulated, negotiated and approved behind the backs of organizations that have been working for decades to achieve justice for the civil war victims. According to the Bureau Against Impunity in El Salvador, this is most likely due to the favoring of the perpetrators who seek loopholes to avoid prison sentences or penalties that will affect their financial assets, even if it is proven in fair trials that they have murdered, tortured or disappeared thousands of people.
Fortunately, President Bukele has already announced that said law will be vetoed and therefore cannot become the law of the republic. He tweeted: “The Presidency of the Republic will not sanction any law that does not contain the fundamental elements to be fair and constitutional: 1. Truth 2. Reparation 3. Justice. The bill that the @AsaAssemblySV intends to approve does not meet any of these three elements.”
If the veto occurs, the bill would return to the Legislative Assembly, which will have the option of overturning the President’s veto, a move requiring a 2/3 vote but given the correlation of force in Parliament, this seems unattainable. Moving forward, the deputies will have to formulate a new law, which we hope will be oriented to protect the victims and not the perpetrators.
El Congreso Salvadoreño Aprueba una Nueva Ley que Beneficia a los Criminales de Guerra
En la noche del 26 de febrero, con 44 votos en el Parlamento, los partidos de derecha ARENA, PCN y PDC, que se han aliado durante décadas, se unieron una vez más para aprobar la llamada Ley Especial de Justicia Transicional, Reparación y Reconciliación Nacional o Ley de Amnistía 2.0. Esta es más o menos una réplica de la Ley de Amnistía original que fue aprobada por las mismas partes en 1993. Con la Ley de Amnistía anterior, los peores crímenes cometidos durante la guerra civil permanecieron en la impunidad y no fue hasta 2016, cuando el Legislativo La Asamblea declaró esa ley como inconstitucional que surgió la oportunidad de enjuiciar crímenes de guerra, como El Mozote, donde el ejército salvadoreño masacró a más de 1,000 civiles, en su mayoría mujeres y niños. Además de los muchos crímenes de guerra del gobierno, los crímenes cometidos por escuadrones de la muerte y otros grupos paramilitares vinculados al Estado salvadoreño también estaban abiertos a juicio después de la anulación de 2016.
No obstante, con la aprobación de la Ley Especial de Justicia Transicional, Reparación y Reconciliación Nacional, según diferentes organizaciones de derechos humanos y de víctimas del conflicto armado, se favorece nuevamente la impunidad, pues según dicha ley, los criminales de guerra podrían beneficiarse con reducciones y anulación de penas, si los acusados piden perdón por sus crímenes y colaboran con la justicia. También establece que un juez puede abolir una pena de prisión por motivos de edad, salud o similares, aunque no especifica claramente la edad ni las condiciones de salud a las que se refiere.
La reconocida organización Amnistía Internacional, al respecto de esta ley expresó: “La Asamblea Legislativa de El Salvador no aprobó una ley, aprobó un pacto de impunidad que busca que quienes cometieron graves violaciones a los derechos humanos durante el conflicto armado no sean llevados ante la justicia y sancionados por las atrocidades cometidas”. En similares términos se expresó el ex procurador de Derechos Humanos y actualmente integrante de la organización Cristosal, David Morales, quien dijo: “El voto de los 44 diputados que legitimaron hoy las masacres y atrocidades de la guerra, es también una violación de los Derechos Humanos. Ahora serán sometidos al control interno constitucional y a la supervisión internacional, su acto infame ahora es parte de nuestra memoria histórica.” Por su parte el FMLN se abstuvo de votar, lo cual fue calificado por el periódico El Faro como una sorpresa, considerando que en este tema el partido de izquierda se ha alejado de su discurso histórico y ha oscilado entre distintas posturas, de hecho este medio de comunicación publicó que dos diputados del FMLN que decidieron hablar bajo anonimato aseguraron que a último momento se dividió el partido entre quienes apoyaban el texto de la ley y quienes lo condenaban, y finalmente optaron por abstenerse.
Otro de los cuestionamientos a la Ley es que se formuló, negoció y aprobó a espaldas de las organizaciones que por décadas han reinvindicado los derechos de las víctimas, según la Mesa contra la Impunidad en El Salvador, instancia conformada por más de 20 prestigiosas organizaciones de la sociedad civil, esto se debe probablemente al interés de favorecer a victimarios, buscando fórmulas para evitar penas de prisión o afectación de sus patrimonios, aún si se demuestra en juicios justos que asesinaron, torturaron o desparecieron a miles de personas.
Afortunadamente el Presidente ya anunció que dicha ley será vetada y por tanto no podrá convertirse en ley de la república. “La Presidencia de la República no sancionará ninguna ley que no contenga 3 elementos fundamentales para que sea justa y constitucional: 1. Verdad 2. Reparación 3. Justicia. El proyecto de ley que pretende aprobar la @AsambleaSV no cumple ninguno de estos 3 elementos”, escribió el mandatario en su cuenta de Twitter.
Si ocurre el veto, el proyecto de ley regresaría a la Asamblea Legislativa, instancia que tendrá la opción de superar el veto del Presidente, para la cual requiere los votos de 2 terceras partes de los diputados y dada la correlación de fuerza en el Parlamento, esto parece inalcanzable, de manera que los diputados tendrán que formular una nueva ley, esperando que sea orientada a proteger a las víctimas y no a los victimarios.
On October 13, 1,500 Honduran refugees began the long arduous journey from one of the most violent capital cities in the world in search of respite and peace. The majority of those seeking a chance for survival were young people, women and their babies.
Pueblo Sin Fronteras or People without Borders, who organized the foot march says the aim is to draw attention to the plight facing the migrants at home and the dangers they run during their attempts to reach safety in the US.
Every single migrant had his or her own personal reason for fleeing. For some, especially the young people, it was direct threats or acts of violence towards themselves or their loved ones. For others, it was the oppressive Honduran government that has been opposing people’s justice movements, or it was the fear of what would become of their children because of unemployment and starvation.
Two days later on October 15th, the caravan had grown to an estimated 3,500 by the time it reached the Guatemalan border.
Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua all belong to a migratory convention called The Central America-4 Free Mobility Agreement (CA-4), it is akin to the Schengen agreement in Europe, which allows nationals from 26 countries in the Schengen area to legally enter and reside in each other’s countries. Though this agreement exists, officials in Guatemala and El Salvador have met the caravan with hostility and armed suppression.
Citizens of Honduras and other Centro American countries have been paying the price of U.S. foreign policy atrocities since the beginning of the cold war, with their lives and that of their loved ones. Since the 2009 Honduran coup d’état that put economic elites in charge of the most important sectors of society, the country has been on a never-ending binge of oppression and violence. While this instability has no doubt strengthened the rise of gang violence in the streets, the government’s own tactics of extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, protest suppression and the jailing of political prisoners have added to the upheaval happening at this very moment.
On Sunday October 21, as the 7,000 person strong caravan reached the Mexican border of Tapachula in the State of Chiapas, Donald Trump fired off a series of tweets, expressing anger towards central american governments inability to halt the progression of the foot march.
“Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador were not able to do the job of stopping people from leaving their country and coming illegally to the U.S. We will now begin cutting off, or substantially reducing, the massive foreign aid routinely given to them,” Trump wrote.
An estimated 258 million people, approximately 3 per cent of the world’s population, currently live outside their country of origin, many of whose migration is characterized by varying degrees of compulsion. Migration is a fundamental human right. We have no right to forbid or stigmatise, we only have the power to try to do so.
A press conference was held this morning, August 13th, in San Salvador by representatives of Tutela Legal Maria Julia Hernandez to give an update on the case of El Mozote, the massacre that occurred on December 11, 1981 in northern Morazán.
Over 40 witnesses have come forward since the overturn of El Salvador’s Amnesty Law in 2016 to contribute harrowing testimonies of the barbarity executed by Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa Barrios (deceased) and the Atlacatl Battalion (disbanded).
According to the findings, Monterrosa had the full cooperation and authorization from the Salvadoran state at the time of the massacre and attempted to cover up and deny the act, which was thwarted due to the forensic anthropological team from Argentina that conducted exhumations. Based on their invaluable work, it has come to light that over 1,000 innocent civilians were indeed tormented and being killed.
“It is no longer possible to deny that a massacre occurred.” stated one of the attorneys from Tutela Legal.
The legal team also expressed the painful truth that til this day, survivors of the massacre have been left blind, sterile, full of shrapnel and continue to suffer from post traumatic stress.
The 18 military commanders that carried out this inhumane act are being tried in a court of law, some posthumously, in a judicial process that has reached “an advanced stage,” and attorneys are confident that justice will “finally be served.”
The mission of Tutela Legal is the “observation, protection, study, promotion, dissemination, information and intervention in the defense of threatened or violated human rights, with special attention to groups in vulnerable situations.”
On October 13, 1,500 Honduran refugees began the long arduous journey from one of the most violent capital cities in the world in search of respite and peace. The majority of those seeking a chance for survival were young people, women and their babies. 
A press conference was held this morning, August 13th, in San Salvador by representatives of Tutela Legal Maria Julia Hernandez to give an update on the case of 
